After reading the March 2003 memo (NYT and WP), I feel like the youngest kid at Passover dinner, who by tradition asks the question "How is this night different from all other nights?" Except that in this case, I'm left with the question of "How is this torture memo different from all the others we've read so far?"I agree with Marty that the answer has to do partly with the bureaucratic manner it which it was conceived, authored, published and classified. It's highly unusual for such a broad statement of administration policy to be issued over the signature of a deputy assistant attorney general — and that such a low-ranking official would basically be speaking for the Justice Department and the White House on these issues through the interagency process to the Pentagon. So this memo is different to the extent that it didn't come from Alberto Gonzales or Jay Bybee or someone else of significant rank.
It's also different because it appears to have been conceived entirely by the super-secret-squirrel (a military doctrinal term) working group of lawyers which included David Addington, John Yoo, and a handful of others. That cloistered environment facilitated much of the legal reasoning in the memo; it also ensured it would be highly classified, and kept from public view for a long time.
But what about the legal reasoning? Is this really any different from other memos we've seen (and written about) so far? It's certainly longer. And as Orin points out, it alternates between solid and shaky analysis. But in general, I think Emily's right that this reflects the same broad, sweeping rhetoric we have seen before in other torture memoranda hatched in the White House, Justice Department, and Pentagon. What makes this memo significant, I think, is the way that Defense Department (and other government agency) personnel relied on this memo to create the detention and interrogation regime at Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib, and Bagram air base.
(Cross-posted at Convictions)
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Attorney General Mukasey is now relying on the official nature of this memo to shield those who created that regime from investigation and prosecution.
This memo should not be a shield against prosecution. It should be a cause of prosecution, evidence of a crime and a crime, itself.
I am not sure "shaky" quite encompasses it. The memo makes bald assertions attacking the very concept of law.
Since their legal reasoning was wrong can't we get these nutters disbared?
There is no "commander in chief power." None. Nil. Zilch. Does not exist.
The RANK of commander in chief exists. It does not confer any power on the president - instead, it ensures that he is never "outranked" by anyone in the executive branch, including the military.
It is a military rank. It outranks all other military ranks, but that is all it is - a military rank. Period. End of story.
Is there a "captain" power that allows an 0-3 captain to disregard any laws because they conflict with his "captain power?" Of course not. Given that Congress and Congress alone is charged with regulating the armed forces, Congress can pass any laws it wants, and there is no conflict with any "Captain power" that would make such a law unconstitutional. That is, laws apply to the Captain just like they do to the rest of us.
What about generals? Can generals ignore laws passed by Congress without violating their oath? Of course not. Generals must obey our laws.
What about privates? Same thing of course - or does anyone here think that joining the Army as a buck private means you can unilaterally ignore laws passed by Congress? Of course nobody thinks that.
So how can the rank of commander-in-chief ever be a reason for finding a law - any law - unconstitutional? How can any rank in the military ever be found to outrank Congress?
Of course it can not. There are laws passed by Congress that have been found to be unconstitutional. But not on the grounds that it conflicts with the military rank of the president - that rank only applies to the military, not out of it. The president has no military authority outside of the military - unless martial law is declared, which is when our military then bosses us around rather than the civilians remaining in control.
It is not disputed that martial law has not been declared. We are not under martial law. The Bill of Rights has not been suspended. Therefore the president's military rank - which confers no powers of any kind outside of the military - can not be a basis for ignoring a law. Ever.
After 81 pages of argument, the flaw in page one remains - there is no such think as "commander in chief" power and the idea that there is such a "power" goes to the root of the problem: this president thinks he is the boss, rather than a public servant elected to serve US.
Commander in chief power? Our first, General George Washington, never thought for a single second that he could overrule the Continental Congress. Nor did the Continental Congress. But this guy does? I was a lieutenant once. Did I have "lieutenant" power to overrule Congress and ignore laws? I was a sergeant once. Was there a "sergeant power" that allowed me to do the same? It is just as ridiculous to assume there is this "commander in chief" power that Mr. Yoo and his fascist buddies write about. There is no such power. All power comes from the People, and it is delegated in writing - the Constitution - and there is no power that allows a president to ignore any law that he feels will impair his abilities as commander in chief. Congress regulates the armed forces, so when the president is acting as commander in chief he is, like the entire military, subject to Congressional authority - JUST AS THE CONSTITUTION SAYS.
Thus even if the FISA law that made it a felony for the NSA to conduct their warrantless wiretaps upon US citizens were unconstitutional on other grounds, if Congress can regulate what military officers can do (as explicitly stated here) then Congress can regulate all officers regardless of rank - to include the Commander in Chief. Even if FISA was wrong on other grounds (and it is not, which is why Yoo relies on this so-called commander in chief power) it is still a lawful regulation for the armed forces - including the president when acting as commander in chief.
To assume the reverse is backwards, dangerous, and tyrannical.
This memo alone should be considered sufficient grounds for impeachment. It is a direct challenge to the Constitution of the United States, and the president should go to prison.
more on same topic
Sands interveiw
top quote
moral authority is so quaint -- as is the constitution
Thank you ever so much to shining a bright light on this "commander in chief" bullshit.
WASF
Al
There was also a time when most Americans didn't think that lynching black men for, well, for just about anything was a bad thing.
Today those kind of Americans are called "murdering racist shitheads" by the other kind of Americans, the ones with the opposable thumbs.
Trying to excuse this shit because the C.H.U.D. faction of the American public is for it is like saying that the Germans were right to gas Jews because most Europeans were antisemites in 1944.
There will be no impeachment. There will be no trials. Yoo will continue to teach at Berkeley, Cheney and Addington and the rest of the slime will walk out - or not, if McCain wins in November - free men.
We, meanwhile, have crept between their legs and found ourselves dishonorable graves.
We, the People, in our indolence, have become the true authors of the Yoo Memorandum.
I suspect Phil hasn't said more because he's doing what I've been doing today... thinking out the implications. This thing has layers and layers of issues going on -- no surprise considering that the project was (and is) nothing less than to nullify the law entirely.
Yoo can definitely be disbarred: the DC Court of Appeals (which is the District's own appellate court analogous to a state appellate court, as distinct from the US Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit) recently disbarred Scooter Libby for being convicted of a crime exhibiting moral turpitude (obstruction of justice). This is not the largest of Mr. Yoo's worries however, as war crimes potentially carry a life sentence or the death penalty, and the writing of these memos entails literally every war crime committed by the Bush administration since 9/11 whether by intent or neglect.
People get POed at me for talking about the Nazis, but facts are facts and the closest precedents here are Nuremberg and the trial of Charles I.
However, it should also be noted that notwithstanding his prominence in the conspiracy and academic repute, Yoo is a flunky -- the real author of this memo was David Addington, especially the part the JD discusses.
And I'll have more to say about all of this, most likely tomorrow.
military spying
and from the article
still feeling smug there frankie?
NOTES ON WERNER BEST
[From an anonymous legal historian.]
Here is a description of an interesting character, Dr. Werner Best (Doctor of Law), who was a legal advisor to the SS and Gestapo:
"Werner Best was ambitious, a cool amoral technician of power, used his academic and legal skills to justify the totalitarian practice of the Nazi regime, "which corresponds to the ideological principle of the organically indivisible national community."
"As a leading constitutional theoretician and Nazi jurist in the Third Reich, Best did a great deal to give respectability and legitimacy to the political police and the concentration camps. As long as the Gestapo was carrying out the will of the leadership, it was in his view, "acting legally." " (Emphasis added.)
Holocaust Education &Archive Research Team (H.E.A.R.T.), WERNER BEST, undated web page available at:
www.holocaustresearchproject.org
Best was also the author of a book called THE GERMAN POLICE, 1941. It is a fair summary of his theory of constitutional police power, and I highly commend the book to those interested in the legal rationales propounded by Nazi theorists.
The following is from Best's Nuremberg testimony, from THE TRIAL OF GERMAN MAJOR WAR CRIMINALS, Sitting at Nuremberg, Germany 29th July to 8th August 1946, One Hundred and Ninety-First Day: Wednesday, 31st July, 1946, available at:
www.nizkor.org
Q. And how did the so-called intensified interrogations take place?
A. Concerning the Verschaerfte Vernehmungen (intensified interrogation methods), Heydrich issued a decree in 1937, which I saw for the first time after it had been issued, for I was not called in on such matters, being an administrative official. Thereupon I questioned him about it.
Q. What reason did Heydrich give for this decree?
A. At that time, Heydrich gave me the reason that he had received permission from higher authority to issue this decree. This measure was thought to be necessary to prevent conspiracy activity on the part of organizations hostile to the State and thus prevent actions dangerous to the State; but confessions were in no way to be extorted. He called attention to the fact that foreign police agencies commonly used such measures. He emphasized, however, that he had reserved for himself the right of approval on every individual case in the German Reich; thus he considered any abuse quite out of the question.
31 July, 1946 p. 149. (Emphasis added).
Q. What was the existing police law according to your theory?
A. In speaking about police law in my book, I started from the National Socialist conception of the State and from the development of State laws at that time in Germany. When after 1933 the legislative power was transferred to the Government, it gradually became the customary law of the State that the will of the head of the State automatically established law. This principle was recognized as law, for one cannot characterize the rules and regulations governing a great power for years on end as anything but customary law. On the same basis, the State's police law developed too. An emergency law issued by the Reich President on 28th February, 1933, removed the barriers of the Weimar Constitution, and thus the police were given much wider scope. The activities and the authority of the police were regulated through numerous Fuhrer decrees, orders, directives, and so forth which, since they were decreed by the highest legislative authority of the State, namely, the head of the State himself, had to be considered as valid police laws.
Q. What would be your judgment concerning the orders to the Gestapo or parts of it, to effect actions, deportations and executions?
A. I have already said that these were measures quite alien to the police, which had nothing to do with the ordinary activities of the police and which were not necessary from the police point of view. But, if the police received such orders from the head of the State or in the name of the head of the State, then, of course, according to the current conception each individual official had to take it upon himself as an obligation to carry out the decree.
Id. at pp. 150-151. (Emphasis added).
# # #
For those responding angrily to Frank, the joke is on you. Read his "modest proposals" a bit more carefully (hint hint) before responding.
As for Charly's post, I once wrote a paper called "The Legalization of the Holocaust" which detailed much of what he cited - how what was formerly illegal and abhorrent was legalized by several methods: 1) changes in the law, 2) changes in the meaning of words so that the effect of prior laws was reversed but the effect was hidden, and 3) removal of certain activities from the reach of law altogether.
For instance, 1) the Enabling Act, 2) "Resettlement in the East," and 3) Generalgouvernement (the German military occupation of Poland, beyond the reach of German law).
Or, for instance,
1) the Patriot Act, 2) "enhanced interrogation techniques," and 3) Gitmo.
Is Bushco a Nazi regime? No. No way. Not at all. The very idea is insulting. Clearly they don't hate Jews, and... well, they don't hate Jews....
Just to skip back to some earlier Germans. During WWI it was accepted as gospel that "Germany needs a place in the sun". Just gotta hope that after this debacle finally ends that the Dolschschossers don't start forming Freikorps in their inability to accept the outcome.
The notion that we have to reach an accommodation with these people is silly: it isn't possible to strike a reasonable compromise with malice and insanity. We have oppose them and defeat them. Anything less only aids and abets their crimes.
Very well said here, Charly. I would really like to see some prosecutions of such malevolent individuals as Yoo and Addington. Treason would be appropriate grounds. I'd like to see prosecutions at higher levels, of course, but that won't happen. Other prosecutions won't happen, either. We will end up just pretending that all of this never happened. And speaking of Yoo, knowing Berkeley (Berserkeley, as it's fondly known in the Bay Area) as I do, I'm frankly surprised he hasn't been run out of town on a rail.
This "never happened" scenario I see unfolding is what irks me the most about the Democratic Party. Instead of going after these criminals (in addition to this, let's recall what happened to the Governor of Louisiana as well as numerous other criminal acts), the Democrats will content themselves with winning the presidency and maintaining control of the Congress. And WRT the presidency, they think they've got it in the bag, but the way they're going right now, they could actually lose to McCain.
And "why the never happened" scenario with the Democrats? Why the lofty pronouncements from Pelosi that "impeachment is off the table?" Well, it's unfortunately as simple as this: they don't want THEIR dirty linen seeing the light of day, something that a cornered rat of a president and his party faithful would ensure. They don't want to go near that legal, ethical and moral can of worms.
First, I respect the current Democratic leadership a lot. Like everyone, they're human, and it a given that politics are first and foremost political -- it is the art of the possible, and they are mostly guilty of representing their constituents.
And I do not accept the impossibility of bringing Bush and Cheney to justice either: if that's impossible then democracy and human reason are impossible, and I'll be dead before I believe that.
My next chore is to write down some thoughts I have about this latest memo, and one of the items on my list is the customary law of war, which is a topic the memo touches in a couple of places. Responding to you here is as good a place to start as any...
Yoo's introduction lays out the basic rationale for the administration's new-age version of the Nazi Fuhrer Principle in terms of the Unitary Executive Theory and Constitutional Doctrine of Originalism:
The part about the vesting clause is the basis for the UET in the way E = mc**2 is the basis for General Relativity. Originalism comes into it because according to the UET what the vesting clause vests are all the powers of executive as it existed when the Constitution was drafted.
Now what courts do is decide cases, and the do it by applying the law to the facts of a particular case. Where doctrines / rules of construction such as originalism come into plat is where a case presents some ambiguity in how the laws apply to the facts. A good example is habeas as it applies to the detainee cases, where habeas normally is applied by statute (18 USC 2241) but Congress has enacted the MCA, which retro-actively excludes "unlawful enemy combatants" from the statute and subjects them to alternative procedures under the MCA. Because habeas is guaranteed by the Constitution, the question is whether or not those procedures are an adequate substitute for the normal statute, and the answer depends on what precisely the constitution means by habeas. The established doctrine is that habeas means what it meant under the common law when the Constitution was adopted (and gallons of ink have accordingly been devoted to briefing that topic by the parties and amici, the crux being how habeas applies to non-citizens held overseas.
Now that's a classic example of originalism where both sides pretty much agree on the principle but nevertheless disagree on the historical facts, even though it's a fairly narrow question. The question of executive powers in general is a lot bigger obviously, but Yoo is invoking originalism in the same way.
So on the one hand these folks argue for the original understanding of executive authority to support the claim of unlimited executive authority, while on the other they ignore the plain fact that nobody who wrote the Constitution thought they were granting the President the powers of George III, James II, Charles I, let alone Caligula; and equally, inconsistent philosophers such as Rousseau, Montesquieu, Locke, and Grotius, etc. Then they turn around and argue that Presidents have gone to war 100 times without congressional authorization, which is a "living Constitution" argument of the sort they despise when the topic is something like Roe v. Wade or gun-control.
The other place this comes into play is in the customary laws of war, which they claim they can simply ignore at will, even though they are basing the claims for executive authority on precisely their own dishonest reading of the customary laws of war.
Yoo later dismisses 18 USC 2441(c)(2) which makes it an offense (war crime) to commit any violation of arts. 23,25, 27 or 28 of the the Hague IV 1907 annex of regulations by arguing that the statute only applies to such acts when committed by or against someone who is a citizen of a nation that is a party to Hague IV (which a list considerably shorter than Geneva, which is now recognized ny every nation on earth). But the statute doesn't actually say that, and the legislative history refers to the importance of the Hague regulations -- which were written to express the traditional laws and customs of war as they were understood in 1899/1907 -- in the proceedings at Nuremberg, and also mentions that the reason for similarly adding Geneva Common Article 3 was to cover events like those that had just transpired in Rwanda (unlawful combatants in spades).
Which brings me to what started me out on my preposterous little project: Nuremberg, and the IMT Charter. My view there is simple:
If anything on this earth is law, the IMT Charter is law. If anything reflects the laws and customs of war, the IMT Charter and Nuremberg trials do.
The IMT Charter is a valid treaty in force for the United States which was also adopted as a resolution of the UN General Assembly. The United States was the leading power in drafting that charter, and it was adopted at a time in our history when the people of the nation were united to a greater degree than any other point in our history, including the Revolution.
And that brings me to a question:
Is the IMT Charter a self-executing treaty?
I don't see how it could be considered anything else. It specifically states that acting under lawful orders is no defense to charges of crimes against peace, crimes against humanity, or war crimes, as defined by IMT art 6. It also states that there is no form of immunity for such crimes, and at Nuremberg, we even tried and convicted legislators for enacting laws to authorize such crimes.
Mr. Yoo isn't nearly as clever as he thinks he is: he's written his own indictment.
We would have to admit on a national basis that some terrible wrongs have been committed and that just doesn't help sales at Walmart.
"Well Wisedup, the good news is that isn't any form of immunity for war crimes, crimes against humanity, or crime against peace, and Bush couldn't pardon himself even if there was."
All well and good, Charly, but who's going to bring the charges? Some official body is going to have to do the heavy lifting. Give me some concrete reasons as to why I'm wrong. You know my thoughts on this subject.
Under the rug is where this is all going. There will be no trials. There will be no recriminations. There will be no justice. Bush will get at least $100K per appearance to do what it is former presidents do to make money, Cheney will count his profits and Yoo will continue to enlighten aspirants to the bar at Berkeley.